The organization renunciation of democratic reforms and reaffirmed the rejection of the continent to external interference.
The rumor ran through the twittersfera while the recent African Union summit was in full swing that the panel was selected to mediate the crisis in Ivory Coast would include Robert Mugabe. The emergence of a story well, and that gave him credibility, bears witness to the poor image that the citizens and analysts in Africa are of the continental institution. President Mugabe
never part of the panel, but the AU summit ended however with several important decisions. These included changing the attitude towards the Ivory Coast to demand the resignation of Gbagbo to seek a negotiated end to the crisis (read: power-sharing agreement Zimbabwe style) - and the choice of Teodoro Obiang, Equatorial Guinea, as president AU, and support the call from Kenya to postpone the processing of the International Criminal Court against six senior officers implicated in the violence that followed the 2008 elections in the country.
is unlikely that any of these decisions will contribute to strengthening the image of the institution on the mainland or outside him. Is partly due to the internal dynamics of the AU and in part to the international context, but the message seems clear: Africa rejects outside interference in their affairs. By choosing to Obiang as president, not taking any new address, simply adheres to the ancient principle of noninterference. Obiang is the leader of a sovereign nation (which has ruled with an iron fist for over three decades) and therefore is qualified to lead this continental body, as it did Muammar Gadaffi, two years ago, regardless of protests this may cause.
In supporting the call from Kenya to the Security Council of the UN to there is a one-year suspension of the International Criminal Court cases against "the six-Ocampo, the AU is sending a message more powerful, but not without some background of legitimacy. Since its inception in 2002, the ICC has accepted only African cases, and numerous episodes of violence on the continent have been followed by the statement by the accusation of "be following developments closely." For many this has become the ICC in the "court of Europe to Africa, and even going back to 2008 some have expressed the need for the next court case did not come from Africa. This dynamic, not it has continued and resentment against his actions has been growing.
Perhaps most interesting consequence of the AU summit, however, is the shift in position on Ivory Coast. In December 2010, the position of the AU held firmly (although expressed quietly) on the same line of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS, its acronym in English), the European Union and UN, declaring Alasana Ouattara as a legitimate winner and calling for Gbagbo quit power. As the political confrontation dragged on in time, solutions that seem most likely have changed-the option of a quick military intervention has given way to a waiting game longer, and so has the focus of the conflict (thanks in part to a well-orchestrated diplomatic campaign from Gbagbo's side) that is now presented as a case of international interference in African issues, an argument that has been strengthened by the recent visit of Nicolas Sarkozy in Addis Ababa.
The internal dynamics of the AU have had their role in continental position change, in particular to Angola, a country of growing importance in the region and one of the staunchest supporters of Gbagbo, has seen his position was supported other weights Heavy as South Africa, Ghana and Uganda. On the other side, Nigeria has maintained its call for Gbagbo to resign. An internal read the decision underlines the argument, raised many times before, the need for the Nigeria-South Africa axis work if the AU is to realize its full potential.
The new position of the African Union reaffirms its rejection of the continent to external interference and the sacrosanct nature of the sovereign state (what we might say that it is now more important than ever, in anticipation that the winds of revolution blowing in undertake due north of the continent to the south). That the only way that the AU can find to emphasize its role and the position of the continent in the world is giving up to support democratic reforms is a test not only the limits of the current African leaders, but also the need to strengthen the relationship between the international community and the mainland.
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By Manuel Manrique
The rumor ran through the twittersfera while the recent African Union summit was in full swing that the panel was selected to mediate the crisis in Ivory Coast would include Robert Mugabe. The emergence of a story well, and that gave him credibility, bears witness to the poor image that the citizens and analysts in Africa are of the continental institution. President Mugabe
never part of the panel, but the AU summit ended however with several important decisions. These included changing the attitude towards the Ivory Coast to demand the resignation of Gbagbo to seek a negotiated end to the crisis (read: power-sharing agreement Zimbabwe style) - and the choice of Teodoro Obiang, Equatorial Guinea, as president AU, and support the call from Kenya to postpone the processing of the International Criminal Court against six senior officers implicated in the violence that followed the 2008 elections in the country.
is unlikely that any of these decisions will contribute to strengthening the image of the institution on the mainland or outside him. Is partly due to the internal dynamics of the AU and in part to the international context, but the message seems clear: Africa rejects outside interference in their affairs. By choosing to Obiang as president, not taking any new address, simply adheres to the ancient principle of noninterference. Obiang is the leader of a sovereign nation (which has ruled with an iron fist for over three decades) and therefore is qualified to lead this continental body, as it did Muammar Gadaffi, two years ago, regardless of protests this may cause.
In supporting the call from Kenya to the Security Council of the UN to there is a one-year suspension of the International Criminal Court cases against "the six-Ocampo, the AU is sending a message more powerful, but not without some background of legitimacy. Since its inception in 2002, the ICC has accepted only African cases, and numerous episodes of violence on the continent have been followed by the statement by the accusation of "be following developments closely." For many this has become the ICC in the "court of Europe to Africa, and even going back to 2008 some have expressed the need for the next court case did not come from Africa. This dynamic, not it has continued and resentment against his actions has been growing.
Perhaps most interesting consequence of the AU summit, however, is the shift in position on Ivory Coast. In December 2010, the position of the AU held firmly (although expressed quietly) on the same line of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS, its acronym in English), the European Union and UN, declaring Alasana Ouattara as a legitimate winner and calling for Gbagbo quit power. As the political confrontation dragged on in time, solutions that seem most likely have changed-the option of a quick military intervention has given way to a waiting game longer, and so has the focus of the conflict (thanks in part to a well-orchestrated diplomatic campaign from Gbagbo's side) that is now presented as a case of international interference in African issues, an argument that has been strengthened by the recent visit of Nicolas Sarkozy in Addis Ababa.
The internal dynamics of the AU have had their role in continental position change, in particular to Angola, a country of growing importance in the region and one of the staunchest supporters of Gbagbo, has seen his position was supported other weights Heavy as South Africa, Ghana and Uganda. On the other side, Nigeria has maintained its call for Gbagbo to resign. An internal read the decision underlines the argument, raised many times before, the need for the Nigeria-South Africa axis work if the AU is to realize its full potential.
The new position of the African Union reaffirms its rejection of the continent to external interference and the sacrosanct nature of the sovereign state (what we might say that it is now more important than ever, in anticipation that the winds of revolution blowing in undertake due north of the continent to the south). That the only way that the AU can find to emphasize its role and the position of the continent in the world is giving up to support democratic reforms is a test not only the limits of the current African leaders, but also the need to strengthen the relationship between the international community and the mainland.
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By Manuel Manrique
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