Money the international community in Somalia injected keeps alive the conflict in the country. The funds should be used to improve the situation, only serve to subsidize a corrupt government and indirectly fund the rebels.
We drove in armored cars speed through shattered streets. Children smile and we shake hands, young people without even walk around with big guns and long strings of bullets in the shoulder, the old men sitting on the doors of homes in ruins we continue to look unperturbed. Welcome to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, most failed state in the world. We
Parliament near Villa Somalia, the name is known to presidential compound. A detachment Ugandan AMISOM, the peacekeeping military mission the African Union (AU), protects the area.
Parliament has the considerable number of 550 deputies. And just, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is formed no less than 39 ministers (including for example one of Tourism and Wildlife). Besides the country's president and the Parliament and the prime minister.
However, the reality is that no State, no public services throughout the territory, the government only controls three areas of Mogadishu, the port, airport and Villa Somalia, including its adjacent streets. This is due to the presence AMISOM military and financial support of the international community, which runs almost all costs.
Since early 2007, when the TFG retook Mogadishu, Somalia, and in particular its capital, living in a state of war between the government and Islamist militias rebels. In particular, Al Shabab ("Youth" in Arabic), which is the most important of the region and in March declared members of al Qaeda. Has in its ranks with foreign militants and controls much of the country.
The civilian population depends for survival itself, be it between the shots and explosions in the capital and under the strict regime imposed on Al Shabab. Are banned music and television, is cut off thieves hands and spies are executed in public.
The European Union is the biggest donor of money to Somalia, with a budget estimated at 415 million euros between 2002 and 2013. Not to mention the humanitarian and emergency aid.
Given the precarious security situation in the region, all work is done from Nairobi (Kenya). From the European Commission delegation, which also is located there and is responsible for Somalia, explained that about 40% of the money is spent through UN agencies and the rest is given to international NGOs. However, they only work on Somali soil through local partners, as for security personnel can not be established in the country.
In these circumstances, knowing what happens to capital is difficult. "We have to be creative with accountability" anonymously recognizes a member of the delegation, "but we simply have no money or resources to find out what they are spending."
In fact, Al Shabab various taxes imposed in areas under their control and extort money to organizations working in the field, so it may be that the European fund is indirectly financing the rebels.
One of the agencies most involved in the region, is the program office for Somalia United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which uses capital and other European donors to support the TFG and pay part of salaries Members of the Government. Details controversial because, although only has virtually no resources to manage a country has managed to stay for the last four years as the most corrupt administration in the world by Transparency International.
"It's not our fault, is the legacy left to us by previous governments," said Abdirahman Omar Osman, Minister of Information of the TFG. In addition, he complains that donors give money directly to the State. "The international community does not trust us but someone has to start the cycle of trust, we are prepared to change the situation."
Before resigning in September, due to disputes with the president of Government, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the Somali Prime Minister Ali Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, said, "we have to keep standing face enormous challenges, such as Iraq and Afghanistan. We have kept this little space for further discussion how to provide services to the population. "
Since 2007, there were four heads of state and have produced eight remodeling it. And this in an executive who lacks space to manage. "It's amazing, we pay the salary and they keep changing the cabinet and of course retain the capital," laments a member of the delegation of the Commission.
In Nairobi, many fingers point to the UNDP as responsible for straightening the TFG, as it is the agency that channels money to repay international part of the wages of civil servants. The self-UNDP Evaluation Office for Somalia in July concluded that it "assumed responsibility for certain tasks and services as a result, reduced the credibility of the organization as a neutral and impartial partner for development."
Marie Dimond, deputy director of the UNDP Somalia office, said his department "makes every effort to deliver assistance in an efficient and can be held accountable despite a very complex operating environment." "We will continue supporting the country, although there are enormous challenges given the difficult political and security environment. "
However, the delegate of the Commission says it would have to change the concept and "pay not to ministers but to the officials, they would have the incentive to work and reinvested their salaries into the local economy." Contrary to this idea is a diplomat who has lived and worked in Mogadishu for the EU and the UN, explaining that this action does not guarantee anything because the members tend to bring government and bring their own workers, which responds to a complicated web of clan loyalties and the social group.
Government soldiers drop, they sell their weapons and uniforms for the rebels or even join them.
"Somalis have a relatively comfortable life in the Diaspora, suddenly decide to return to become members and earn $ 700 a month (500 euros), or have real love for your country or for other reasons are more materials," says the diplomat. "And our experience with them shows that most return for other reasons."
addition, this expert criticism relativized UNDP: "The EU is very easy to criticize the UN administration on the European money, but really would not want Brussels to take care work itself. " "No agency or organization would take responsibility for party funding and the UNDP office accepted only under pressure."
However, we also agree that the current model does not work. "There is a huge question mark over the large amount of capital invested in Somalia and no performance of it."
An example is the army of the TFG. During the offensive of Al Shabab in the holy month of Ramadan in summer, the soldiers simply abandoned many of their positions in Mogadishu. One of the few places where they remained firm, supported by a detachment of AMISOM Burundi is Hosh, entre el K4 –una estratégica rotonda que conecta la carretera del aeropuerto con la calle que se dirige hacia Villa Somalia– y el mercado de Bakara, bastión de los rebeldes.
El teniente coronel Abdulahi Ousman, Agey, y algunos de sus militares nos reciben en Hosh. No todos tienen uniforme pero sí muestran con orgullo sus enormes fusiles. Ousman, de 58 años de edad y que ya era oficial durante la dictadura en Somalia de Siad Barre, confirma la repetida historia de que los milicianos del GFT llevan meses sin cobrar su salario de 100 dólares mensuales.
Nadie sabe qué ocurre con este dinero, que procede de fondos donados por Estados Unidos e Italia y que desaparece misteriosamente antes de llegar a las troops. As a result, deserting government soldiers sell their weapons and uniforms to the rebels or even join them.
Publicly, the international community remains the TFG as a partner and the International Contact Group for Somalia, meeting in Madrid last September, confirmed its support for the Somali government. Spain also pledged another $ 4 million.
The UN estimates that since the beginning of 2007, the conflict in the country has killed 20,000 people and 1.5 million have been displaced. About 3 million people depend on humanitarian aid.
The State devotes its limited resources to infighting. Today AMISOM 7,100 troops to prevent the Government from falling, but are not able to take Mogadishu. The rebels control and manage much of the country.
In short, the situation has hardly changed in the last three years. The money from the international community in Somalia keeps the conflict alive. As says one diplomat who lived in Mogadishu, "is like keeping a patient alive, but do nothing to cure."
We drove in armored cars speed through shattered streets. Children smile and we shake hands, young people without even walk around with big guns and long strings of bullets in the shoulder, the old men sitting on the doors of homes in ruins we continue to look unperturbed. Welcome to Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, most failed state in the world. We
Parliament near Villa Somalia, the name is known to presidential compound. A detachment Ugandan AMISOM, the peacekeeping military mission the African Union (AU), protects the area.
Parliament has the considerable number of 550 deputies. And just, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is formed no less than 39 ministers (including for example one of Tourism and Wildlife). Besides the country's president and the Parliament and the prime minister.
However, the reality is that no State, no public services throughout the territory, the government only controls three areas of Mogadishu, the port, airport and Villa Somalia, including its adjacent streets. This is due to the presence AMISOM military and financial support of the international community, which runs almost all costs.
Since early 2007, when the TFG retook Mogadishu, Somalia, and in particular its capital, living in a state of war between the government and Islamist militias rebels. In particular, Al Shabab ("Youth" in Arabic), which is the most important of the region and in March declared members of al Qaeda. Has in its ranks with foreign militants and controls much of the country.
The civilian population depends for survival itself, be it between the shots and explosions in the capital and under the strict regime imposed on Al Shabab. Are banned music and television, is cut off thieves hands and spies are executed in public.
The European Union is the biggest donor of money to Somalia, with a budget estimated at 415 million euros between 2002 and 2013. Not to mention the humanitarian and emergency aid.
Given the precarious security situation in the region, all work is done from Nairobi (Kenya). From the European Commission delegation, which also is located there and is responsible for Somalia, explained that about 40% of the money is spent through UN agencies and the rest is given to international NGOs. However, they only work on Somali soil through local partners, as for security personnel can not be established in the country.
In these circumstances, knowing what happens to capital is difficult. "We have to be creative with accountability" anonymously recognizes a member of the delegation, "but we simply have no money or resources to find out what they are spending."
In fact, Al Shabab various taxes imposed in areas under their control and extort money to organizations working in the field, so it may be that the European fund is indirectly financing the rebels.
One of the agencies most involved in the region, is the program office for Somalia United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which uses capital and other European donors to support the TFG and pay part of salaries Members of the Government. Details controversial because, although only has virtually no resources to manage a country has managed to stay for the last four years as the most corrupt administration in the world by Transparency International.
"It's not our fault, is the legacy left to us by previous governments," said Abdirahman Omar Osman, Minister of Information of the TFG. In addition, he complains that donors give money directly to the State. "The international community does not trust us but someone has to start the cycle of trust, we are prepared to change the situation."
Before resigning in September, due to disputes with the president of Government, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the Somali Prime Minister Ali Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, said, "we have to keep standing face enormous challenges, such as Iraq and Afghanistan. We have kept this little space for further discussion how to provide services to the population. "
Since 2007, there were four heads of state and have produced eight remodeling it. And this in an executive who lacks space to manage. "It's amazing, we pay the salary and they keep changing the cabinet and of course retain the capital," laments a member of the delegation of the Commission.
In Nairobi, many fingers point to the UNDP as responsible for straightening the TFG, as it is the agency that channels money to repay international part of the wages of civil servants. The self-UNDP Evaluation Office for Somalia in July concluded that it "assumed responsibility for certain tasks and services as a result, reduced the credibility of the organization as a neutral and impartial partner for development."
Marie Dimond, deputy director of the UNDP Somalia office, said his department "makes every effort to deliver assistance in an efficient and can be held accountable despite a very complex operating environment." "We will continue supporting the country, although there are enormous challenges given the difficult political and security environment. "
However, the delegate of the Commission says it would have to change the concept and "pay not to ministers but to the officials, they would have the incentive to work and reinvested their salaries into the local economy." Contrary to this idea is a diplomat who has lived and worked in Mogadishu for the EU and the UN, explaining that this action does not guarantee anything because the members tend to bring government and bring their own workers, which responds to a complicated web of clan loyalties and the social group.
Government soldiers drop, they sell their weapons and uniforms for the rebels or even join them.
"Somalis have a relatively comfortable life in the Diaspora, suddenly decide to return to become members and earn $ 700 a month (500 euros), or have real love for your country or for other reasons are more materials," says the diplomat. "And our experience with them shows that most return for other reasons."
addition, this expert criticism relativized UNDP: "The EU is very easy to criticize the UN administration on the European money, but really would not want Brussels to take care work itself. " "No agency or organization would take responsibility for party funding and the UNDP office accepted only under pressure."
However, we also agree that the current model does not work. "There is a huge question mark over the large amount of capital invested in Somalia and no performance of it."
An example is the army of the TFG. During the offensive of Al Shabab in the holy month of Ramadan in summer, the soldiers simply abandoned many of their positions in Mogadishu. One of the few places where they remained firm, supported by a detachment of AMISOM Burundi is Hosh, entre el K4 –una estratégica rotonda que conecta la carretera del aeropuerto con la calle que se dirige hacia Villa Somalia– y el mercado de Bakara, bastión de los rebeldes.
El teniente coronel Abdulahi Ousman, Agey, y algunos de sus militares nos reciben en Hosh. No todos tienen uniforme pero sí muestran con orgullo sus enormes fusiles. Ousman, de 58 años de edad y que ya era oficial durante la dictadura en Somalia de Siad Barre, confirma la repetida historia de que los milicianos del GFT llevan meses sin cobrar su salario de 100 dólares mensuales.
Nadie sabe qué ocurre con este dinero, que procede de fondos donados por Estados Unidos e Italia y que desaparece misteriosamente antes de llegar a las troops. As a result, deserting government soldiers sell their weapons and uniforms to the rebels or even join them.
Publicly, the international community remains the TFG as a partner and the International Contact Group for Somalia, meeting in Madrid last September, confirmed its support for the Somali government. Spain also pledged another $ 4 million.
The UN estimates that since the beginning of 2007, the conflict in the country has killed 20,000 people and 1.5 million have been displaced. About 3 million people depend on humanitarian aid.
The State devotes its limited resources to infighting. Today AMISOM 7,100 troops to prevent the Government from falling, but are not able to take Mogadishu. The rebels control and manage much of the country.
In short, the situation has hardly changed in the last three years. The money from the international community in Somalia keeps the conflict alive. As says one diplomat who lived in Mogadishu, "is like keeping a patient alive, but do nothing to cure."
For Jose Miguel Calatayud
-
0 comments:
Post a Comment